Alic
Sweden
 
 
I have a cocaine problem.
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Speech
My German fellow-countrymen and women! Party Comrades! It is, I think, something very extraordinary when a man after about 20 years can stand before his old followers, and when in doing so he has not had to make any revisions of his program during these 20 years.

Today's gathering, however, reminds us most of all of the evening which we were able to celebrate in the former hall 10 years ago. It reminds us of this because at that time too we were in the midst of a very hard fight. Our fight to take over power in, Germany was just as decisive for our fate as the fight which we are waging today. It was only during the past year that this became known to us in all its meaning, and if victory had not been achieved in 1933, then Germany would have remained what it was then, that is, a powerless nation with an Army of 100,000 men, which would necessarily have (had to submit) to destruction.

And at the same time, a colossus had arisen in the East with only a single thought in mind, to fall upon this weak, lazy, defeatist and internally-torn Europe. And if at that time this challenge had not been successfully taken up, then the power which alone was capable of opposing this danger would not have entered world history.

Today we know that there would probably not be any Europe left. Therefore the battle which we fought then was only apparently an internal struggle for power. In reality, even then it was a struggle for the preservation of Germany and, in the broadest sense of the word, for the preservation of Europe. At that time, we were close to victory. And yet when, 10 years ago, we met in the former hall, no one knew exactly how close it was. Only one thing went without saying as far as we were concerned, namely the conviction that this victory, no matter what happens, must come and will come.

It is with the same conviction that I now stand before you, and it has never left me, either, since the day on which, as an unknown man in this city, I began the struggle, first for the soul of the German people, and then, on beyond this city, forever more and more followers. And in the beginning I did not have much more to give than faith, the faith that if anyone pursues a just aim I with unchanging and undisturbed loyalty and never lets himself be diverted from it, but puts everything into it, then others will be found who are determined to be his followers, and that from this host an ever stronger faith must gradually radiate to the whole people, and that out of this host the worthiest part of the whole people must one day finally find themselves together, and that finally this worthiest part must acquire the power in the state.

And today I stand by this same view. Fate, or Providence, will give the victory to those who most deserve it. We could have had it before, in the year 1918. The German people did not deserve it at that time. They had grown confused and untrue to themselves. And that was the reason that I, an unknown, a nobody, at that time resolved to build up this movement in the midst of utter ruin and complete collapse, the reason why I also had faith that it would have to succeed, because I saw before me, not the defeatist phenomena of a crumbling bourgeois-Marxist world, but the millions of brave men who had done their utmost and who faltered only because the homeland was no longer worthy of them in the critical hour-because it had failed. I then had the conviction that if only the effort to bring back internal order to the German people and to get hold of the soundest kernel in them proved successful, that then another 1918 could never be repeated.

Since I made this resolve, many more than 20 years have gone by. Ten years ago we were about to have a dress rehearsal, after the movement had already encountered the greatest difficulties-in a preceding ten-year period, many had lost their faith, and our opponents already were saying that we were dead. We need only recall that time. It was no wonder, either. A movement which was just getting ready to seize power collapsed completely. Its leaders were either dead or wounded, or in prison or in flight because of their activities.

And yet barely ten years were enough for this whole movement to rise anew from its ashes, like a phoenix. And when we met here 10 years ago, we had just had another setback. Many-especially our enemies-believed that we had lost our chance because we had not acted at the moment we were offered something which would only have burdened the movement, but not made it at all possible to realize its real aims. At that time, too, I stood before you, my old party comrades, with the same faith as now, absolutely convinced that victory will be his who best deserves it, and that therefore our only task will be to deserve it.

And when now, after 10 years, I again survey this period, I can say that upon no people has Providence ever bestowed more successes than upon us. The miracles we have achieved in the last three years in the face of a whole world of enemies are unique in history, especially the crises we very naturally often had in these years.

I need only remind you of the one great crisis we had to go through in Norway, where, indeed, it was a toss-up, and where we might have asked ourselves, will we be able to hold Narvik? Won't the entire Norwegian undertaking go to pieces? One needed boundless faith in order not to become despondent at that time, and this faith was finally rewarded. Far from the homeland, with barely a single sure line of communication connected with this advanced out-post, a small, heroic German force then was fighting. Finally they were forced to evacuate Narvik. Our opponents were jubilant. But, thanks to bravery and a fanatical determination not to capitulate under any circumstances, the final result was victory for us and not for our opponents.

If we look back over this entire period, and let everything pass before our eyes, one thing will become obvious to us: We are. facing the same opponents, whom we always have had before us nothing has been changed. . . . In the Great War there were the same opponents whom we have had to conquer in this war, and there is only one thing which differentiates the present from that time: First of all, a clearer recognition of the background of the actions of that opponent, of the driving forces, and secondly, the successes which have been gained in the meanwhile, successes which are unique in the history of the world.

For perhaps many a person will ask himself the question, why are we fighting at such great distances? We are fighting at such great distances in order to protect our homeland, in order to keep the war as far removed from it as possible and to spare it what would otherwise be its fate, and which now only certain German cities are experiencing and must experience. It is therefore preferable to keep the front line at a distance of 1,000 and if necessary 2,000 kilometers from the borders of the Reich, than to hold that front somewhere near the border of the Reich and to be forced to hold it there.

Our opponents are the same, and behind these opponents there stands the same eternally driving force, the international Jew. And it is again by no means an accident that these forces were on the inside, and have now met again on the outside. Internally, in the "coalition" which we know only too well, they included all the enemies of the Reich, beginning with the Frankfurter Zeitung, and the entire stock market speculator-group, all the way to the Rote Fahne (Red Banner) in Berlin, and everything which lay in between.

And outside, we have again today the same coalition as before, from the chief of that international Masonic lodge, the half-Jew Roosevelt, and his Jewish brain trust, to the Jewry of purest water in Marxist-Bolshevik Russia. They are the same enemies as before, the same foes as then. In the World War we had them as external foes, in our struggle as internal foes, and now, a
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